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Jin J. Assembly of the murine leukemia virus is directed towards sites of cell-cell contact. PLoS Biol. Viral determinants of polarized assembly for the murine leukemia virus.
Basic residues in the matrix domain and multimerization target murine leukemia virus Gag to the virological synapse. Chen J. Effect of the cytoplasmic domain on antigenic characteristics of HIV-1 envelope glycoprotein. Liu Y. Structure of the membrane proximal external region of HIV-1 envelope glycoprotein. Dev J. Structural basis for membrane anchoring of HIV-1 envelope spike. Castillo-Menendez L. Herschhorn A. The betabeta21 of gp is a regulatory switch for HIV-1 Env conformational transitions.
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Loss of a tyrosine-dependent trafficking motif in the simian immunodeficiency virus envelope cytoplasmic tail spares mucosal CD4 cells but does not prevent disease progression. Carlson L. In vitro reconstitution of the ordered assembly of the endosomal sorting complex required for transport at membrane-bound HIV-1 Gag clusters. Gardiner J. Freed E.
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T cell polarization at the virological synapse. Groppelli E. Contact-induced mitochondrial polarization supports HIV-1 virological synapse formation. Starling S. References 1. Global TB Report. WHO end TB strategy. Geneva, Switzerland : WHO , Post, why delay to seek healthcare? Perceptions and field experiences from TB healthcare providers in northern Malawi: a qualitative study. Infect Dis Poverty ; 6 : TB treatment initiation and adherence in a South African community influenced more by perceptions than by knowledge of tuberculosis.
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Zhu, H. Urakubo, T. Nakamura, Y. Egeland, O. Bullo, F. In: Proceedings of the European Control Conference, pp. Download references. You can also search for this author in PubMed Google Scholar. Correspondence to Takateru Urakubo. Reprints and Permissions. J Intell Robot Syst 89 , — Download citation. Received : 15 June Accepted : 05 January Published : 16 January Issue Date : January The figure in supplementary Appendix A4 reveals statistically significant discontinuity ef- fects only when the cutpoint is set to June In other words, the only day that induced a statistically significant discontinuity effect was the day after the shooting.
No other days produced a discontinuity. This further strengthens of our findings. Roof was captured and processed by police a day after the shooting, which may have contributed to a dissipation of anxiety as the incipient source of danger had been neutralized and the likelihood of future violence eliminated.
Data from news- paper coverage of the incident based on a Lexis Nexis search also suggest that attention to the story was intense on June 19 and 20 and declined thereafter. A key concern with this model is that we have fewer than two days of interview observations prior to the Roof shooting.
The balance tests and models with controls mitigate some of these concerns but not fully. Another substantive concern is the highly racialized nature of the Charleston shooting. Unlike other shootings such as Stockton, Columbine, Newtown, Aurora, Las Vegas, or Parkland, which targeted schools or other public settings but were not explicitly racially motivated, the Charleston shooter was a white supremacist who targeted a black church for the explicit purpose of igniting a race war.
It is difficult to assess in what ways the racial motivation of the shooter may have affected the responses of various social groups in the American public. This latter response is distinct from the social-violence-induced anxiety stimulus we seek here to un- derstand. Given these constraints, we reinforce these natural, quasi-experimental results by analyzing the relationship between anxiety and guncontrol attitudes using standard linear regression methods on the same survey data.
Observational Analysis As a next step, we specified linear regression models using the same dependent variable as described earlier. The survey included three measures that relate to anxiety about vic- timization.
Unfortunately, these items do not address mass shootings but are more broadly about crime. We assert that these two additional items can serve as proxies for the level of underlying anxiety a person may have.
If this is the case, we expect a positive correlation between these measures and support for gun control. We also include key demograph- ics as follows: gender, age, education, income, race white or black , and born-again Protes- tant. All variables have been recorded on 0—1 scales consistent with the original nature of the scale.
Table A5. While low racially resentful respondents reveal a statistically significant discontinuity coefficient, the linear hypothesis testing the two D coefficients is insignificant. This indicates that preexisting anxiety about crime did not affect response to gun control in the context of the shooting. Finally, Table A5. This suggests that regardless of subgroup membership, people have similar responses to an anxiety-inducing exogenous event such as a shooting.
Anxious About Social Violence 9 The first set of regressions in Table 2 corresponds to all respondents. The second set of regressions presented in Table 2 corresponds to gun owners. The literature to date has shown that gun owners may be less fearful and exhibit fewer phobias Dowd-Arrow, Hill, and Burdette, However, we know less about whether or not anxiety and fear con- tribute to support for gun control among gun owners. First, consistent with the extant literature, partisanship, ideology, small government be- liefs, experience with victimization, and gun ownership are all statistically significant and negative predictors of gun control preferences.
Racial resentment is also negative, con- sistent with expectations. The measure is not statistically significant in two of the three models but that is because the model includes nonwhites. In the models with whites only, racial resentment is significant in all three models see supplementary Appendix Table A5.
Income, being a woman, and age are positive predictors of support for gun control. Rela- tive to Hispanics, whites and blacks appear less supportive of gun control. This reassures us as to the quality of our overall results.
Table 2, Model 1, shows the results of a model that includes the item about being afraid to walk in the dark. The coefficient for this measure of fear is positive and statistically significant. The results suggest that those who are fearful of walking in the dark around their neighborhood are 3 percent more supportive of gun control. Similarly, the coefficient related to perception of crime in the nation is positive and statistically significant.
The coefficient corresponding to perceptions about crime in the community is not statistically significant but it is positive. The next set of three models focuses specifically on those who have a gun in the home.
Among this group, victimization does not have a significant effect on support for gun con- trol. However, as was the case with the general population, racial resentment, ideology, partisanship, and beliefs in small government significantly depressed support for gun con- trol.
Egalitarianism, being a woman, age, and income corresponded to higher support for gun control even among those in gun owning households. This suggests that there are few differences in the underlying structure of how gun owners approach gun control relative to the population at large.
Next we look at our proxy measures of anxiety. In the first model, the coefficient for afraid to walk in the dark is positive but not statistically significant.
However, the coeffi- cient for both perceptions of crime in the nation and in the community is positive and statistically significant. Among those in gun owning households, anxiety arising from be- liefs that crime is ascendant in the country or in the local community corresponds to an increase in support for gun control of 10 percent and 9 percent, respectively.
Since other studies have documented differences in the structure of gun control pref- erences between whites and people of color Filindra and Kaplan, , the Appendix supplementary Table A5 includes the same models broken down for white and nonwhite respondents.
These results show that among whites, fear of walking in the dark and beliefs that the national crime rate is increasing positively contribute to support for gun control. Among blacks, it is the two contextual variables, perceptions of the national and local community crime rates, that correlate significantly with support for gun control. Overall, our results suggest that anxiety operates in similar ways across race groups.
These results have limitations. The measures do not relate directly to anxiety about mass shootings or violent demonstrations but to more broad fears about crime.
The study included a nationally representative sample of people drawn from an online panel by the survey provider Lucid. The sample was prestrat- ified to ensure that it matched the U.
Although this is a nonprobability sample, studies show that Lucid samples provide results that are similar to those produced by a probability sample Tausanovitch et al. The survey included an experiment meant to assess whether anxiety about mass shoot- ings increases support for gun control. Half of the respondents were randomly assigned to a question asking respondents to indicate how true or false four-point scale were each of the following statements: 1 Thinking about mass shootings makes me feel anxious; 2 I am scared that someone I know could be a victim in a mass shooting; 3 the idea that I could be hurt in a mass shootings is frightening to me.
The other half of the respondents were asked a set of three questions about furniture design. Specifically, the questions asked how true or false four-point scale were each of the following statements: 1 Simplicity is the key to furniture design; 2 clean lines make furniture inviting and attractive; 3 most people prefer function over form when it comes to furniture.
This setup allows us to test what effect induced anxiety as relates to mass shootings may have on gun policy preferences and also, among those who received the anxiety treatment, whether anxiety salience is positively correlated with gun policy preferences. Our treatment variable is an indicator denoting 1 for the treatment and 0 for the con- trol.
Our anxiety salience independent variable is an additive index of the three measures listed above. This measure is rescaled to range from 0 to 1 continuous scale. The dependent variable is a continuous measure scaled from 0 to 1. Descriptive statistics are in supplementary Appendix Table B1 and a bal- ance table is in supplementary Appendix Table B2. Given the continuous nature of our dependent variable, we specified OLS regression models.
Table 3, Column 1, presents the results of a linear regression model that includes only the anxiety treatment variable. The coefficient is positive and statistically significant. The results suggest that eliciting thoughts about anxiety in the context of mass shootings in- creases support for gun control by 4 percent on our dependent variable.
The mean support for gun control among those in the control group is 53 percent, but among the treatment group it increases to 58 percent. Studies show that more Americans oppose a ban on handguns even as they strongly support other forms of gun control Filindra and Kaplan, Model 2 controls for all variables shown in the table.
The base in Model 3 reflects those respondents who received the anxiety treatment. Model 2, which includes demographic controls, shows that the significant relationship remains even when controlling for several demographic variables and gun ownership. Table 3, Model 3, is based on those respondents who received the anxiety treatment only. Here, the key in- dependent variable is anxiety salience, that is, how anxious people reported being in the thought of mass shootings. The results show that the level of anxiety reported by respondents is a statistically significant and positive predictor of support for gun con- trol.
None of the demographic predictors is significant but this could be a function of a relatively small sample. When anxiety is removed from the model, gender becomes statistically significant. Studies suggest that gun owners are less anxious and phobic overall but tend to be sensi- tive to the issue of mass shootings Dowd-Arrow, Hill, and Burdette, Our analyses so far show that when it comes to fear as a stable predisposition, respondents in gun own- ing households react in the same way as those who do not own firearms.
The observational data show that gun owners who believe that the national crime rate or the community crime rate is increasing are more likely to support gun control than those who do not harbor similar beliefs. How to Prepare for a Behavioral Job Interview. How to use the STAR interview response technique. Feiler, A. Behavioural Expression of Job Interview Anxiety. Journal of Business and Psychology, [online] 31 1 , pp. Personnel Psychology, [online] 42 4 , pp. Judge, T.
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Statistical modeling of silicon dioxide reliability. A critical appraisal of three assessment methods in the context of recruitment and selection considering both research and practical applications. Ladkin, A. Erica R. Marr B. Recruitment Strategies Practices ebook.
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